Left Flank

Sometimes individuals and organizations are culpable, and perhaps censure, even reorganization or dissolution, is necessary.

The confluence of Protestant Christianity, American missionaries, and Japanese imperialism on the history of Korea from the late 19th Century to present is frequently commemorated, but the Taliban's kidnapping of 23 South Korean Presbyterian aid workers from the Saemmul Church in Bundang, Seoul has refocused attention. The BBC, reporting on how organizations related to that church are reevaluating their missionary activities, provides a capsule history of the genesis of the Korean impulse to proselytize.

Protestant missionaries from the US came to the Korean peninsula in the late 19th century.

Christianity initially failed to make a big impact in China and Japan, where missionaries were regarded as agents of Western imperialism.

But the «religion from the West» spread quickly in the Hermit Kingdom, and American missionaries were seen by Korean nationalists as a source of support in their fight against Japanese colonial rulers.

Now South Korea has the largest percentage of evangelical Christians in Asia, at about 25% of the population.

Having achieved such a following at home, Korean churches have started in the last couple of decades to look at ways to expand abroad.

«Pastors of big churches want to show off that they are doing something great for Christianity. Korea is a small country that has achieved a strong economy, and it wants to show its success to the world,» said Chung-shin Park, a professor of Korean church history.

«Apart from the strong religious zeal, there is also a sense of nationalism behind this,» he said.

«The church's ambition is to overtake the US and become the world's number one exporter of missionaries within the next two decades.»

IHT's Choe Sang-hun reports on the business of missionary work:

«In South Korean churches, emphasis has always been on growth and expansion,» said Lee Won Gue, a professor at Methodist Theological Seminary in Seoul. «There is a fierce competition among churches—so much so that the reputation of the pastor or his church often depends on how many missionaries are sent abroad and how many churches are built there.»

Even small churches finance missionary expeditions, thanks to congregations that are generous with cash donations. Churches advertise their overseas missionary work to attract young members.

«Traditionally, the number of missionaries from a country has depended on that country's economic power,» said Song Jae Ryong, a sociologist at Kyunghee University in Seoul. «In South Korea's case, the number far exceeds its economic standing. Like Koreans in general, the Korean churches have a strong tendency of following a trend as a pack and going relentlessly after a goal.»

In such an atmosphere, young people going on short-term missions arranged by the churches are often not properly trained in safety issues and learn little about the religious and cultural realities of their host countries, Song said.

The element of Korean nationalism has had a profound effect on religious education and political development in Korea. In New God, New Nation: Protestants and Self-Reconstruction, Nationalism in Korea 1896-1937, Kenneth M. Wells draws a genealogical line from Protestantism to members of the Independence Club (including a young Syngman Rhee), the Korean Products Promotion Society (including Cho man-sik) in Pyongyang, to even the modern juche theology and the New Village Movement. American missionaries and businessmen, such as Horace N. Allen, played dramatic roles in Korean politics. Dr. Allen enters Korean history saving the life of Min Yong-ik, the Queen's nephew, brutally wounded and assumed dead by Japanese soldiers during an abortive coup on December 4, 1884. During a lucrative career, Allen mixed business, court politics, and diplomacy, and eventually espoused pro-Japanese sentiments.

Protestantism is both nationalistic and aggressively permeates all aspects of Korean life.

Meanwhile, the church members' contrition and reevaluation seems to have no effect on the national daily newspapers. The Chosun Daily recognizes responsibility, but calls for assistance:

At this point, Korean diplomacy must use two different approaches at the same time. In face-to-face talks, Korea must abide by international standards and regulations in dealing with terrorist groups. This is unavoidable when the entire world is looking at how Korea handles itself diplomatically.

But on the other side, we must use all the resources available to us. It is impossible for us to physically suppress the terrorist group. Regarding the slaying of Rev. Bae, the Korean government said the abductors cannot avoid being held responsible for their actions. But right now, there is no viable method of retaliation. If that’s the case, there is no other alternative than to deliver a strong message to Kabul and Washington that saving Korean lives must be the top priority. The U.S. and Afghan governments are in a dilemma as well. But there can be no disagreements that the lives of the hostages are the most important factor.

The U.S. and Afghan governments must restrain from undertaking hasty military actions, while taking a flexible stance against the demands and conditions set by the Taliban. This is the wish of the Korean people. The problem is that different Taliban factions, which are keeping the hostages in three different locations, are making different demands. One of those factions almost released eight of the hostages, while another murdered Rev. Bae, demonstrating starkly different behavior. The governments of Korea and related countries need to resolve the crisis by dealing with these different sets of demands. They must secure the release of any abductees that are possible under the circumstances.

The Dong=A Daily asks for Muslim prayers:

If the kidnappers possess an ounce of humanity, they must pay attention to the voices of people from across the world. If they ignore them and harm the hostages, they will be digging their own graves. I beg people all over the world to seek ways to warm the cold hearts of the abductees. I strongly plead that the 1.6 billion Muslims across the world join hands to stop their brothers from committing an unthinkable crime.

The Joong-ang Daily emphasizes the Roh administration's attempts to negotiate:

Blue House Spokesman Cheon Ho Seon said that the visit by Baek Jong-chun, the chief presidential security advisor, reflected Seoul’s desire to resolve the crisis. An official said yesterday, â€ūWe are talking to them and we will continue talking,â€? when asked to comment about the latest deadline. â€ūThe dispatch of a special envoy means the president is giving this his very best,â€? Cheon said without elaborating. Baek was scheduled to meet with Afghan President Hamid Karzai and senior officials, including his Afghan counterpart.

The Hankyoreh attempts to tackle the most perplexing question: where are the hostages?

The government seems roughly to have grasped the situation of the remaining 14 hostages. During the National Assembly conference on July 25, Foreign Minister Song Min-soon had a note with the numbers, â€ū8+6+9â€? written on it, as was seen in a photograph taken at the conference. Under the numbers eight and six were the words, â€ūmoneyâ€? and â€ūsolutions,â€? while the word â€ūhard-lineâ€? was written under the number nine. It can be guessed that the first two numbers, which include the word, â€ūmoneyâ€? and â€ūsolutions,â€? mean that the issue can be resolved through financial reward, but that the third number written, classified as â€ūhard-line,â€? means that the negotiators are having difficulty moving forward because the Taliban is demanding the release of Taliban prisoners in exchange for the hostages. The first number eight on the minister’s memo, under which the words money and solutions were written, directly corresponds with the number of abductees who were expected to have been freed, while also matching the number of hostages from the Taliban’s moderate group. It is highly possible that Bae, however, belonged to the nine hostages detained by the hard-line Taliban militants.

It is understood that the government still thinks it is effective to divide the kidnapped into the â€ū8+6+8â€? groups, after Bae was killed. However, it is not clear how the abductees are dispersed in the seven regions in which the hostages are now being held.

I disagree with GI Korea, that Seoul should dispatch the ROK Special Forces to hunt down the hostages or negotiate with the extremists. Firstly, the hostages are not in one location, a fact that complicates any series of missions. Secondly, it's a huge gamble, and would likely rival the much-derided Operation Eagle Claw for executive mistakes. Thirdly, Hamid Karzai needs to do this. It's Karzai's misguided decision in March of this year that is responsible for this grab by the Taliban, and Kabul needs to send a message that kidnapping is not a practical option for the Taliban. Right now, the Taliban gains strength watching Seoul and Kabul bumble. Seoul needs to salvage its klutzy act, and the culpability of its own citizens, by sitting on its hands and allowing South Koreans to pillory the government for its errors. As a matter of fact, someone should just burn an effigy of Roh Moo-hyun now, to redirect rage from Muslims and Presbyterians right now. Thankfully, the hostages are still alive, or so we are led to believe.

Or, take action at the source One form of extremism is as bad as another.

This is an issue South Koreans need to tackle «within the family», before the arrogance goes any further.